witch‐hunts took place in Scotland between about 1550 and 1700, during the general European persecution of witches of that era. People had believed in witches long before then. Magic and the supernatural were part of everyday peasant life; some people had supernatural powers, for good or ill. Those who were thought to cast malicious spells on their neighbours were shunned or conciliated, or counter‐magic was employed against their sorcery.
No more was needed or expected. Witchcraft occasionally became criminal when high politics was involved. The earliest known executions of Scottish witches took place in 1479 when John, earl of Mar, was accused of employing their sorcery against his brother, King James III (1460–88); this was an isolated incident.
The peasants did not ask where witches' powers came from. But when late medieval Continental theologians started to ponder the links between village sorcery and Christian heresy, this was the first question they asked. Their answer—that witches' powers came from the Devil—led to the spread of elaborate demonological scholarship. King James VI (1567–1625) made a notable Scottish contribution to it with his book Daemonologie (1597).
This new intellectual model saw village witchcraft as heretical and diabolical, rather than (as earlier medieval scholars had believed) superstitious and ignorant. Witches were now seen as an underground sect of Devil‐worshippers, the mirror image of Christians worshipping God. They sold their souls to the Devil in a rite known as the demonic pact—the equivalent of baptism—and worshipped him in witches' sabbaths—the equivalent of church services.
The peasants did not ask where witches' powers came from. But when late medieval Continental theologians started to ponder the links between village sorcery and Christian heresy, this was the first question they asked. Their answer—that witches' powers came from the Devil—led to the spread of elaborate demonological scholarship. King James VI (1567–1625) made a notable Scottish contribution to it with his book Daemonologie (1597).
This new intellectual model saw village witchcraft as heretical and diabolical, rather than (as earlier medieval scholars had believed) superstitious and ignorant. Witches were now seen as an underground sect of Devil‐worshippers, the mirror image of Christians worshipping God. They sold their souls to the Devil in a rite known as the demonic pact—the equivalent of baptism—and worshipped him in witches' sabbaths—the equivalent of church services.
Sixteenth‐century demonologists elaborated these ideas with material from witches' confessions, and circulated them throughout Europe. Scots ascribed particular importance to the ‘Devil's mark’ on the witch's body, which James VI argued was essential to the demonic pact. Suspects’ bodies could be pricked with pins until an insensitive spot was found. Female witches were also assumed to have sex with the Devil, and fears of witchcraft were linked to fears of deviant female sexuality.
While peasants thought only of individual witches who harmed their neighbours, the elite thought of a conspiracy against God and society. It was those who feared this conspiracy who led witch‐hunts. Scottish witch‐hunters were mainly local lairds and kirk sessions: leaders of local society and local representatives of the godly state. There was most witch‐hunting in the core areas of the state, like Fife and Lothian; hardly any in the Highlands, where there were hardly any state institutions.
Witchcraft became a statutory crime in 1563, in a Protestant package of measures against biblical offences. Witch‐hunting should be seen in the context of godly discipline by kirk sessions (see church institutions: 3). It was often a kirk session that first discovered and interrogated a witch, turning the case over to the criminal courts once sufficient evidence had been gathered. The best evidence was the witch's confession, usually obtained not by physical torture (with a few headline‐hitting exceptions, mostly in 1590–1) but by ‘waking’ the witch. Sleep deprivation for about three days leads to hallucinations; some confessions included exotic detail.
There were up to 2,000 executions for witchcraft, plus another 2,000 or so formal accusations that did not end in execution. Per head of population, this execution rate was about four times the European average, probably because of the intensity of Scottish enforcement of godliness. More than half of all Scottish witch‐hunting took place in brief periods of national panic: 1590–1, 1597, 1628–30, 1649–50, and 1661–2. Other years saw a trickle of individual cases; the panics produced a flood. In panic periods, 82 per cent of the cases where the outcome is known ended with executions; in non‐panic periods, it was only 50 per cent.
While peasants thought only of individual witches who harmed their neighbours, the elite thought of a conspiracy against God and society. It was those who feared this conspiracy who led witch‐hunts. Scottish witch‐hunters were mainly local lairds and kirk sessions: leaders of local society and local representatives of the godly state. There was most witch‐hunting in the core areas of the state, like Fife and Lothian; hardly any in the Highlands, where there were hardly any state institutions.
Witchcraft became a statutory crime in 1563, in a Protestant package of measures against biblical offences. Witch‐hunting should be seen in the context of godly discipline by kirk sessions (see church institutions: 3). It was often a kirk session that first discovered and interrogated a witch, turning the case over to the criminal courts once sufficient evidence had been gathered. The best evidence was the witch's confession, usually obtained not by physical torture (with a few headline‐hitting exceptions, mostly in 1590–1) but by ‘waking’ the witch. Sleep deprivation for about three days leads to hallucinations; some confessions included exotic detail.
There were up to 2,000 executions for witchcraft, plus another 2,000 or so formal accusations that did not end in execution. Per head of population, this execution rate was about four times the European average, probably because of the intensity of Scottish enforcement of godliness. More than half of all Scottish witch‐hunting took place in brief periods of national panic: 1590–1, 1597, 1628–30, 1649–50, and 1661–2. Other years saw a trickle of individual cases; the panics produced a flood. In panic periods, 82 per cent of the cases where the outcome is known ended with executions; in non‐panic periods, it was only 50 per cent.
The supply of witches was readily increased by asking the initial suspects (those denounced by their neighbours) to name their accomplices. When the authorities were most frightened by witchcraft, they were most willing to see it as a conspiracy. About half of all Scottish witches had a neighbourhood reputation for witchcraft before their arrest; the remainder seem to have been blameless until they were named by a witch under interrogation, and then hauled in and interrogated until they in turn confessed.
The witches themselves were mostly women (85 per cent). Most were older women, while some younger women were accused because their mothers were witches. Male witches were mostly husbands of witches, or were folk healers (see traditional healing). Folk healers as such were not targeted (it is untrue that witch‐hunting was prompted by a jealous medical profession) (see medicine and the origins of the medical profession), but might be denounced if they were thought to have misused their powers. Witches were mostly settled members of their communities, not vagrants or beggars; it took years to build up a reputation for witchcraft among one's neighbours.
The witches themselves were mostly women (85 per cent). Most were older women, while some younger women were accused because their mothers were witches. Male witches were mostly husbands of witches, or were folk healers (see traditional healing). Folk healers as such were not targeted (it is untrue that witch‐hunting was prompted by a jealous medical profession) (see medicine and the origins of the medical profession), but might be denounced if they were thought to have misused their powers. Witches were mostly settled members of their communities, not vagrants or beggars; it took years to build up a reputation for witchcraft among one's neighbours.
A few poorer women even sought respect by encouraging this process, cursing anyone who crossed them. Malevolent curses, followed by misfortune to the victim, provided regular confirmation of peasant witch‐beliefs. It was once argued that witches were a pagan cult surviving from pre‐Christian times, but this theory has been wholly discredited. It was neighbourhood quarrels that initially prompted and validated witch‐hunting, while the state's determination to enforce godliness on the peasants directed the process.
In the late 17th century, witch‐hunting declined all over Europe. Belief in witchcraft largely continued, but it ceased to be central to the belief‐system of the elite. The Scottish godly state declined as religious pluralism arose. Adopting a new rationalist empiricism, courts hesitated to accept evidence of witchcraft. Witch‐pricking largely ceased after 1662, when some prickers were exposed as frauds; this removed an important source of evidence.
In the late 17th century, witch‐hunting declined all over Europe. Belief in witchcraft largely continued, but it ceased to be central to the belief‐system of the elite. The Scottish godly state declined as religious pluralism arose. Adopting a new rationalist empiricism, courts hesitated to accept evidence of witchcraft. Witch‐pricking largely ceased after 1662, when some prickers were exposed as frauds; this removed an important source of evidence.
Sceptical lawyers carefully agreed (at least publicly) that witchcraft could exist in theory; they simply could not accept the evidence for it in particular cases. Traditional witch‐hunters found this frustratingly hard to argue against. Witchcraft prosecutions now tended to end in acquittal, so there was little point in continuing with them. There were no mass panics after 1662, and hardly any cases at all after 1700. The last execution was in 1727. The 1563 witchcraft statute was repealed in 1736. Witch‐hunting faded quietly away (see also calendar and seasonal customs; women: 1).
Julian Goodare
How to cite this entry:
Julian Goodare "witch‐hunts" The Oxford Companion to Scottish History. Michael Lynch. Oxford University Press, 2007. Oxford Reference Online. Oxford University Press. 25 November 2011
Julian Goodare
How to cite this entry:
Julian Goodare "witch‐hunts" The Oxford Companion to Scottish History. Michael Lynch. Oxford University Press, 2007. Oxford Reference Online. Oxford University Press. 25 November 2011
